military aggression to economic warfare. The Communists took Central Europe and China by military conquest. Korea was the turning point, tragic, perhaps unnecessary, but it was there they learned that the free world would fight. It was there they learned they could no longer con- quer the world piecemeal. They were stopped again in Indochina, far short of their objectives in Southeast Asia. Then the pattern of the transition became clearer. They withdrew from Austria peaceably; gave up the strategic naval base they had seized in Finland, and began a general campaign of waving the olive branch instead of the sword. Of course the olive branch could be a weapon of conquest, too, through subversion, economic infiltration, and treason, but it is in a field of battle where we should prevail, if we work hard enough at the job. Are we winning the cold war? At this intermediate stage, I think the answer is that we are ahead, because the free world is larger than it was four years ago. In addition the Soviet satellite empire has been shaken in Hungary and Poland. if not elsewhere. But this merely intensifies the struggle. The men in the Kremlin are never to be underestimated. They have switched their attack to what they consider our greatest weakness——a burning desire for peace. They are now dealing in the currency of peace, rather than the coin of war. They hope to persuade us to disarm, stop foreign aid, abandon free Asia, dismantle N. A. T. O., and leave the world to go its own way. In all this, they have some unintentional allies: war-weariness, neo-isolationism, a legitimate desire for lower taxes, a natural desire to reduce armed forces and get on with the happy business of life. So the weapons of the moment have been chosen, as always with peaceful people, by our enemies; the struggle has been joined. One phase of it is going on here at home, in the battle over the foreign aid program. Once again we are hearing that fatuous perennial, that weary old cliché, that money doesn’t buy friends. Of course it doesn’t; nobody with any sense ever thought it did. The point is that there is an enormous difference, perhaps the difference between life and death so far as we are concerned, between nations which are hostile Soviet satellites and nations which are neutrals. A neutral nation may not be our friend; it may actively dislike us; its leaders may irritate us to the point of exasperation. That’s their privilege in a free world. I submit that being irritated is not very important compared with the mortal danger involved in the possibility that such a nation might be- come a Red satellite and an agent of Communist conquest. Think of these people, if you will, as individual human beings instead 3